Yet, the shift in network geography over time is not as clear. For example: in how many places (e.g., cities and towns) does the average person have a social tie? Does this number expand or contract for the individual over time? What is the average distance at which an individual’s ties reside? In addition, longitudinal social network studies have examined contact strength, network benefits, individuals comprising the networks, and networks through life events such as marriage, divorce, retirement, and widowhood ( Ertel et al., 2009). Hill and Dunbar, 2003) and structure (examples abound), relatively less is known about the spatial distribution of an individual’s social ties. While studies have estimated social network size (ex. This distribution is a natural part of social life, as humans have been “traveling, wandering and friending friends and kin seemingly forever” ( Hampton and Wellman, 2003, p. A set of mapped ties comprises a spatial distribution, i.e., a unique “fingerprint” of geolocated social contacts (e.g., two friends in Rome, six family members in New York, a co-worker in Milan, etc.).
Individuals belong to geographically based social networks that include an individual’s ties (family, friends, professional contacts, etc.) in nearby and distant places ( Acedo et al., 2017). Our results lead to a discussion of how mapping and measuring the distribution of social connections can uncover changing dynamics of social interaction, and one’s ability to access and engage with places through social ties. conferences) dispersed the most (over 1,900 km), and cultural groups (churches, sports teams) and family dispersed the least (less than 800 km) over time.
Regarding friend groups, the authors discover that high school friends and friends from non-residential gatherings (ex. The authors find that social networks geographically spread over time, on average, from 2,679 km (standard distance) to 3,258 km (standard distance), and that the average ego had alters in 21 unique locations when they met, and 38 locations at the time of the study. The authors measure specific tie locations, tie expanse, deviation from a gravity model prediction, and expansion of alter groups (family, clubs, neighbors, etc.) over time. Each ego listed the alter’s hometown city at two time periods: at relationship inception and at the time of the study.
The authors retrieve social network matrices for 20 volunteers (egos) via, amounting to over 8,500 friends (alters). In this work, the authors conduct a case study to map social network ties in geographic space. To articulate the spatial expanse and geographic benefits of an individual’s social network, researchers require better social-spatial geographic information system models illustrating how contacts are dispersed, and how many distinct places they inhabit. Relational geography asserts that social networks provide geographic benefits, and geographies are transmitted through the sharing of local knowledge and experience.